
Thai diplomacy has also broken two new diplomatic grounds: overall cooperation with the Asean, and Muslim countries. Prime Minister Abhisit Vejjajiva has set forth succinctly his government's commitment to Asean and its newly enforced charter. As the current Asean chair, Thailand will ensure that the charter is faithfully followed and that the planned Asean Community in 2015 becomes a reality.
Specifically, Thailand will work together with Asean members to promote respect for human rights and eventually transform Asean into a people-centred organisation. Moreover, the Abhisit-led government would raise the grouping's international profile and broaden the scope for cooperation with Asia and the rest of the world under various economic frameworks.
Beefing up the Asean policy represents a huge shift in the country's diplomatic practice over the past three decades. The Kukrit government (1975-1976) was the first to introduce Asean as part of its foreign policy. The next 23 governments included the Asean element in their policy announcements on foreign affairs. However, they did not give prominence to Asean and spell out in concrete terms what Thailand would undertake to do as the present government is doing.
Ending the ongoing violence and conflict in the three southern provinces has now been incorporated into Thai diplomacy as never before seen. Indeed, it is a remarkable step for the Thai government to recognise the international dimension of the insurgent problem despite strong denials from the Thai security apparatus. Thailand is hopeful that closer cooperation with the Muslim countries and Jeddah-based Organisation of the Islamic Conference (OIC) would not only promote better mutual understanding but also contribute to the effort in searching for acceptable solutions.
Thailand became an OIC observer in 1999 on the initiative of former foreign minister Surin Pitsuwan - long before the southern crisis became the daily news headlines. In the past eight years, uneven attention and inconsistent policies of successive governments and domestic circumstances have eroded the once-close and significant connection. In private conversations before he became prime minister, Abhisit vowed to redouble efforts to restore confidence with the 57-member grouping.
Today's platform has followed the gist of policy directions adopted during the Chuan government (1997-2001) right after the collapse of the country's economy. At that time, Thailand had to bite the bullet as the country urgently needed to restore the confidence of the international community and stop the economy from free fall by ensuring the inflow of foreign investment and trade deals. The country needed sympathy and assistance, especially from various international financial institutions.
Apart from economic remedies and strengthening ties with foreign countries, Thai diplomacy a decade ago brought great shock to the region as one of its pillars focused on the promotion of human rights and democracy. It was the first time a developing country adopted such noble diplomatic objectives.
Ironically, it was Surin, currently serving as the Asean secretary-general, who pushed and transformed the Asean passivity into a pro-active mode - enhancing discussion and cooperation on transnational issues affecting peace and security in the grouping and beyond. For instance, the Chuan government's views and stand on Burma were well-documented as they were principled and firm, no wavering and laced with conflict of interest. It is notable that Chuan was the only Asean leader who refused to visit Burma during his premiership due to the political oppression there.
It is quite fortunate that Thailand has a new government with a liberal outlook during the transitional period of Asean. Previous Prime Minister Somchai Wongsawat did not utter any word on Asean that would have demonstrated his understanding and vision. Former prime minister Samak Sundraravej was similar even though he boasted endlessly how close he was with Asean leaders, especially the Burmese junta leaders. The two leaders were clueless on Asean.
With Abhisit, Thailand has taken up the challenge by embracing the Asean Charter as a new regional benchmark. It provides the much-needed legitimacy for Thailand to combine the human-rights element as part of its overall scheme of cooperation in Asean. In the previous Democrat-led government, this was an ideal component. With the Asean Charter, it is more realistic now to bring it to fruition.
The chair and Asean are finalising the terms of reference for the establishing of a human-rights body, which will be set up at the end of next year. The other contentious issues are how to balance the protection of state security and the broader human rights and security of 575 million Asean citizens.
It would be interesting to watch how other Asean members would react to new Thai diplomacy. Countries such as Indonesia and the Philippines would certainly welcome the revival of Thai interest regarding human rights and political freedom, after a lapse of eight years. These two countries have worked hard to promote openness within Asean but so far with limited success.
Thailand would need a stable government and a predictable political environment to carry out these objectives. Most importantly, Abhisit must demonstrate his seriousness in ending the culture of impunity proliferating in the Thai society. Cases of enforced disappearances, violations of human rights and injustice in the South and the rest of the country must be swiftly dealt with. Any delay would severely undermine his leadership and break Thai foreign policy tools he has invented to use.