
So why isn't it over yet? It is not over because Thaksin has never thought that he has lost the game.
Speaking from London, he said that the verdict against him was part of a plot of the now defunct Council for National Security, which staged a miliŽtary coup in September 2006 to remove him from power. Thaksin left Thailand two months before the Supreme Court verdict on his case was read out on Tuesday. Then he jumped bail and attacked the Thai judicial sysŽtem as lacking impartiality and justice in judging the case against him. So he sensed that the court's verdict was going to go against him.
But it should be noted that Thaksin prevailed over the assetsconcealment case at the Constitution Court in 2001 with a narrow margin of a ninetoeight vote. Then he celebrated his victory like a hero.
Thaksin is still holding enormous clout in Thai politics. Somchai Wongsawat, the prime minister and his brotherinlaw, is willing to follow his political game plan. Samak Sundaravej, the ailŽing former prime minister, was a relucŽtant nominee. He quickly charted out his own political turf independent of Thaksin.
But Somchai can't be his own man with the dark shadow of Thaksin towerŽing above him. Somchai's chance of building up his own stature was crushed on October 7, when his governŽment ordered the riot police to shoot tear gas at the demonstrators in front of Parliament, a violent incident that caused two deaths and left more than 400 injured. His earlier reconciliatory tone with the protesters was seen as fake or insincere.
As a result, Thai politics remains deeply polarised between the antiThaksin and proThaksin camps. Anand Panyarachun, the former prime minisŽter, admitted that only Thaksin could end the political turmoil if he so wished.
By saying so, Anand acknowledged the vast influence Thaksin had cast over the Thai political system. Thaksin's reign as prime minister between 2001 and 2006 has entrenched his personal charisma, money politics and polarisaŽtion in the Thai system to the extent that the country cannot move forward without his blessing.
Thaksin changed his mind of issuing a statement to react against the court's verdict. He has opted instead to make a phone call from London to speak his heart on November 1 during a mobile Today's Truth talk show at the National Stadium. Some 50,000 people or more will be rallying in a display of loyalty toward Thaksin.
The talk show will be hosted by People Power Party MP Chatuporn Promphan and some other leading members of the Democratic Alliance Against Dictatorship, including Veera Musigapong. Thaksin is likely to instil hope of his political resurrection during his 20minute talk show.
Thaksin said he had not yet applied for political asylum in England and he could use his tourist visa to enter and leave the country with convenience.
But Thaksin's political resurrection is impossible because nobody, even with the power of the coup in hand, can delete the verdict of the Supreme Court. In the meantime, tension is startŽing to rise as the People's Alliance for Democracy has refused to withdraw from its occupation of Government House. The PAD has already outlived its political objective. Pol General Salang Bunnag, the expoliceman, has threatŽened to lead a group of supporters, with special weapons, to disperse the crowd and reclaim Government House. Another clash looks imminent.
Army chief General Anupong Paochinda has signalled to Somchai that he should resign from the premierŽship to assume responsibility over the bloody incident on October 7. Somchai replied that Anupong's statement was just an opinion. He would not resign. Anupong can only show his pale face in response.
We end up witnessing an awkward balŽance of power being played like a musiŽcal chair.
The army chief has no real power to apply pressure on the prime minister to resign because he has vowed not to stage a coup. Without a coup, he only serves as an ordinary military officer. Somchai is running the country without any dignity because wherever he goes, he is booed. The October 7 incident has destroyed his credibility. The PAD insists on fortifying Government House until it achieves its objective of realising New Politics, which is equivalent to Thomas Moore' Utopia.
The members of the Democratic Alliance against Military Dictatorship - at Bt1,000 per head are regrouping to prepare to go to war against the PAD. Thaksin is plotting a plan in London for revenge.
So where is the hope of Thailand? We can only watch the development of Thai politics with amazement.