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The People's Alliance for Democracy must be scratching its head. Booing Samak off the park surely must feel like a triumph over a big bully, but on Sunday Somchai appeared nothing short of a weak kid hounded by a bunch of delinquents. At Thammasat, when two PAD members yelled abuse to disrupt his alumni speech, he timidly ended his talk, saying, "I may have spoken too much". When dozens of PAD boo-boys interrupted his lunch later at Siam Paragon, he left the store with a pale, but not angry, face.

This reconciliatory side of Somchai hasn't said a word wrong publicly. He has put the ball in the PAD court by offering negotiations to end the political crisis and looking pretty sincere about it. There have been no "It's a conspiracy against me" cry-baby antics after his family's stocks became a subject of political scrutiny over the weekend - which may doom his prime ministerial tenure early.

The other side of him is what really lies beneath, according to sceptics, who think that no amount of sweet words and calls for peace can make up for the ugly look of his Cabinet. To them, Somchai just flatters to deceive; the sort of man who's so good at doing dirty jobs that you may not even realise he is doing them.

This other side faced another serious accusation yesterday. Political activist Veera Somkwamkid vowed to seek legal action against what he described as Somchai's dubious role as a liaison between Thaksin and a Constitution Court judge just before the infamous 2001 acquittal of the former prime minister in the share concealment case. Somchai, who is Thaksin's brother-in-law, was Justice Ministry permanent secretary at the time.

This enigmatic side could easily jeopardise the peace efforts of Somchai, who has admirably set many things in motion. An appointment has been made with Privy Council chief Prem Tinsulanonda. Chavalit Yongchaiyudh has been brought back from political oblivion and seems to have hit the ground running when it comes to reaching out to the PAD. An idea to set up another independent Constitution Drafting Assembly has received the prime minister's positive response.

As long as the reconciliatory Somchai doesn't lose it - in other words, cave in to the problems besieging Somchai the enigma - the peace efforts should be able to go ahead. After all, the amicable Somchai and his eagerness to work outside Government House have left the PAD with very little up its sleeve.

The first acid test for both Somchais may come in less than three weeks. If the Supreme Court's section for Political Office Holders finds Thaksin guilty in the Ratchadaphisek land case, the prime minister will be under immense pressure to take legal and diplomatic steps to bring him back from England. Then, the man who hasn't said a word wrong politically will be asked the toughest question ever.

And beyond that, an even bigger moment of truth awaits. Charges that Somchai himself violated the 2007 Constitution by holding shares in a business that receives concessions from the state look more serious than Samak's TV cooking show. If Samak's downfall is any indication of the standard the Thai courts are now upholding, Somchai may feel his days are already numbered.

But how he copes with the "mistake" - the number of shares is low enough to be presumed an oversight but substantial enough to raise concerns about conflict of interest - will decide which Somchai will win this showdown between two identities. A self-pitying Thaksin blamed opponents and tried to force his way through, the results of which do not need telling. Samak also decried a "conspiracy" without even accepting he had broken the law. What will Somchai do if it is his turn?

The initial response of the Reconciliatory Somchai to the share accusation was refreshing: "Everything shall proceed in accordance with the law. I announced clearly, upon becoming head of the government, that I will uphold principles and justice."

We could not have said it better. Like the PAD, Somchai the Enigma now has the ball in his court. It was seemingly not a hard ball, but it damn sure is now.