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Published on November 29, 2007

For the sake of national reconciliation, he claims, he declared himself a "once-again" friend of deposed premier Thaksin Shinawatra during recent rallies in the Northeast, while announcing the end of an alliance with the Democrat Party of Abhisit Vejjajiva.

He said the alliance was one formed when both parties were in opposition during the Thaksin administration.

Banharn supporters might be pleased with his "good initiative", but not Thaksin's opponents.

It reminds them of the old days of Chart Thai, when the late Chatichai Choonhavan was leader. The party was dubbed the "eel", because of its switching of sides to join whichever group was in the advantage.

Banharn is a typical Thai politician, with "no true friends, no permanent enemies". He will adapt to any political situation for the benefit of his party.

However, he always has one rule: Chart Thai must be in a government coalition.

When Thai Rak Thai won the 2001 election with almost half the 500 seats, Banharn did not keep the nation wondering which party would join Thai Rak Thai to form a government.

Banharn revealed to reporters a gentleman's deal made with Thai Rak Thai leader Thaksin before the election that Chart Thai would join a coalition, irrespective of how many seats the party won.

Unlike influential Thai Rak Thai figures who cried foul over Thaksin's attempts to undermine their clout, Banharn stuck with Thaksin until the government's four-year term expired.

His party gave full support to Thai Rak Thai ministers accused of graft in every censure attempt made by the Democrat-led opposition. He was seen as a "good boy" as long as the benefit of ministerial quotas was "fairly" allocated.

However, Banharn turned when a crisis of faith hit Thaksin, only a year after forming a single-party government following his landslide in the 2005 election.

His Chart Thai joined the Democrats to boycott the national election of April 2, 2006, against an alleged attempt by Thaksin to whitewash himself after dissolving the House on February 24.

Banharn called on a defiant Thaksin to resign and skip politics for four years. He was "willing" to forgive the Democrats for attacking his father when Banharn was prime minister between 1995 and 1996. The Democrats launched a censure debate, alleging Banharn's late father, as a mainland Chinese immigrant, did not hold Thai citizenship. Thus, Banharn should be disqualified from the premiership.

Although Banharn survived, he was forced by his coalition partners, including General Chavalit Yongchaiyudh and Snoh Thienthong to resign. He dissolved the House instead.

Until the military ousted Thaksin in 2006, Banharn blamed the deposed premier for being irresponsible as a leader, despite having lost legitimacy over scandals and abuse of power.

Thaksin, he said, gave the military no choice but to intervene to restore order. With his swift attitude change in favour of the coup leaders, Thaksin supporters dubbed Banharn "the junta's spokesman".

The People Power Party, in Thaksin's shadow, is favourite to win the December poll. Banharn has recalled an old alliance with Thaksin.

He knows he has a chance to become the prime minister, even if his party wins the third largest number of seats only. But it will be in a coalition with People Power.

That party's leader, Samak Sundaravej, or Thaksin himself, could back Banharn to be prime minister. It would reduce resistance from Thaksin opponents, who regard Samak as the ex-premier's nominee. A veteran politician like Banharn would find it hard to refuse such an offer.

A widespread rumour two weeks ago said Banharn had made a fresh gentleman's deal with People Power to form the next government. He quickly dismissed this.

He said he would not upset a senior figure he had respected for 30 years. Political observers believe that person is Privy Council President General Prem Tinsulanonda, Thaksin's biggest enemy.

However, he told reporters on Friday he had "forgotten" what he said about the issue.

Moreover, he addressed a crowd in Khon Kaen, a People Power stronghold in the Northeast, saying he and Thaksin were friends. He had helped Thaksin since before he entered politics.

Banharn said Thaksin would not have faced a political crisis if he had "invited" Chart Thai to join the government in 2004, instead of forming a single-party government. He said he was a bit "upset" with Thaksin's decision to "leave him" in opposition at the time.

In other words, Banharn was saying he was unwilling to join the Democrats, but Thaksin gave him no choice.

Banharn is believed to be struggling to win seats in the Northeast, including Khon Kaen.

Attacking Thaksin in his stronghold is one of the don'ts for any rival seeking to win a seat there.

Another no-no is announcing an alliance with the Democrats. That party is regarded by voters in the Northeast as a party of South people with ties to Thaksin foe Prem.

Banharn these days knows exactly what to do with the prospect of Thaksin returning to power looming large.

 Weerayut Chokchaimadon

 The Nation