No sitting on the fence

The general public has accepted the political legitimacy of the September 19 coup and the current interim government. But it has been a gloomy time for freedom of expression and action, especially for those who are against the coup and its consequences. Against this backdrop, Same Sky Books has launched a special edition of "September 19th Coup: A Coup for a Democratic Regime under the Constitutional Monarchy". Its aim is to open political space for those who think differently.

I have to say that this is a must-read for those who want to understand politics under Thaksin, the anti-Thaksin movement and the post-Thaksin period. It is compiled from the writings, interviews and seminar speeches of prominent academics, journalists and activists. These works provide comment, analysis and critiques on the Thaksin government, the September 19 coup and the first four months of the Surayud government.

Thanapol Eawsakul, the editor, states candidly that the book is at risk of being criticised because it mainly features works disagreeing with the coup, instead of balancing both pro- and anti-coup views. Nevertheless, it represents  a valuable contribution to the current political situation.

With a limited political forum, this book provides alternative space and opportunity for freedom of expression. In academic terms, some of the articles have shaken society as a whole.

The book begins with an interview with Professor Nidhi Eoseewong from Midnight University. He argues that the problems caused by the Thaksin regime were not only a result of Thaksin himself, but of the whole political and social structure. However, the September 19 coup worsened the situation, as we are now faced with an unelected elite that calls itself "democratic".

The next article is by Suluk Sivaraksa, who examines the transformation and survival of constitutional monarchies in other countries.

Professor Thongchai Winichakul, a historian, argues that the victory of those who fought against Thaksin by raising the issues of the 1997 Constitution's article 7 and allying themselves with the military and conservatives, confirmed the establishment of an "aristocratic democracy" or what he calls "clean politics".

Thanet Wongyannawa, a political scientist, argues against the legitimacy and uniqueness of this "bloodless" coup. He says that since the 1950s, no coup in Thailand has caused bloodshed. We need instead to analyse the intentions of the coup-makers, rather than take for granted the middle-class assumption that the coup happened for the sake of the people.

Historian Suthachai Yimprasert was disappointed with the coup, calling it an obsolete political mechanism to deal with political conflict. Above all, he says, it is a significant obstacle to long-term democratic development.

Historian Somsak Jeamteerasakul's series of short essays is a highlight of the book. His analyses of the October 14, 1973 coup, the politics of the anti-Thaksin movement and the consequence of the last coup will give many people pause for thought.

In this edition, several young academics - Pitch Pongsawat, Sirote Klampaiboon, Kasem Penpinan and Somchai Preechasilapakul - examine the political debate surrounding the coup.

 Pitch, a political scientist, argues that we misinterpret those who did not stand up against the coup as coup supporters. Normally active citizens have been paralysed and turned into vassal serfs as if by a feudal lord - but this particular overlord is the state itself.

Taking the case of Thirayuth Boonmi, an ex-student leader during 1970s and now an academic, Sirote analyses the middle class and progressive intellectuals who became coup supporters. He argues against Thirayuth's attitude toward the coup and the public's acceptance of the state of emergency.

Kasem, a philosophy lecturer, says the coup and the later and recent success of the anti-coup movement is the crystallisation of "elite politics" in Thailand.

Somchai, the dean of Chiang Mai University's Law Department, found the gap between the legal and judicial processes provided an incentive for the coup. Never in Thai history has a successful coup leader been legally sentenced. Instead, the Thai legal system automatically authorises and legitimises any successful coup.

The last articles are by progressive journalists and political activists. Pakavai Virapaspong, reflects on the international perspectives, interpretations and misinterpretations of the coup.

Journalist Supalak Ganjanakhundee provides inside information and analysis on the pre-coup conflict, the preparation for the coup and the formation of the current government. He argues that this government is comprised of "Prem cronies" and the coup functions only as the "broker of political power".

Thanapol Eawsakul, Pravit Rojanaphruk and Uchane Chiangsaen examine the anti-Thaksin and pro-coup groups. Thanapol tries to answer the question of how to understand the "Sondhi [Limthongkul] -People's Alliance for Democracy phenomenon" - who they were, what their goals were, and what their relationship with the coup-makers was.

Pravit and Uchane highlight and categorise the different arguments of those who either directly or indirectly supported the coup.

Not only is this book the first overview of the political situation in the first four months following the coup, it is also an essential read for those who sit on both sides of the coup divide.

If you're still sitting on the fence, it will go a long way to helping you make up your mind which camp to join.