A three-pronged attack on Thailand's media freedoms, democratic development and its international obligations is now occurring. Meanwhile, it seems everything in Thailand is being affected by internal divide, pro-and anti-Thaksin groups, those on the left and the right, as well as populists and royalists.

First of all, right after the September 19 coup, freedom of expression began a fresh chapter - but not for long. While print media enjoy more freedom, electronic and online media continue to be held captive by narrow-minded bureaucrats and royalists. It is a huge dilemma. Can a country have a free press system in which certain media outlets enjoy more freedom than others? That used to be the conventional wisdom regarding Thai press freedom. Prior to the Internet age, it was generally accepted that the print media were freer than the electronic media, which has traditionally been under government control. Now, the ubiquitous online media outlets have been targeted for filtering and closure, which in the end will be in vain.

The annulled 1997 charter gave the best guarantees for press freedom and freedom of expression, however in practice it was not followed. The new draft addressed these key issues and tried to assure a more comprehensive guarantee of freedom of expression. What is sad is that the government's inability to understand the dynamism of online content. The knee-jerk reaction to YouTube, and previous responses to pro-Thaksin media campaigns have already left a huge scar on Thailand's press freedom record, as noted by international media advocacy groups such as Freedom House and the Committee to Protect Journalists. Obviously, new legislation proposing tighter controls on the Internet is pending now and if it passes, without any substantive amendments, Thailand's online media freedoms would be in the abyss.

Second, the most ironic development has been the Council for National Security's (CNS) repeated attempts to portray itself as a democratic force. In the beginning, the public was convinced that the coup-makers would be able to bring about political reforms. After seven months in power this hope has evaporated and it has already morphed into anger and despair.

Slowly members of the CNS and the government have shown their true colours. Both Prime Minister Surayud Chulanont and General Sonthi Boonyaratglin have done little to address the reasons they gave for the coup such as accusations pertaining to corruption and lese majeste. Such allegations were made but nobody has ever been reprimanded because of them.

Attempts by the CNS and the government to be more democratic than the purged elected but undemocratic government had generated support earlier. But the consistent lack of efficiency and ability to understand the current situation cannot be condoned. Indeed, the leaders of the CNS and the government have time and again aired views that do not augur well with the country's democratic future and international reputation.

Finally, outside of Thailand these days negative views of the country have been prevalent and point to the spread of a rising nationalistic sentiment led by right-wingers and royalists that could push Thailand inward and incite confrontations.

This has been a far cry from the worst crisis which hit Thailand in 1997. At the time of the economic crisis, the country's international standing and support was at its highest. The government at the time successfully maintained support from the international community through its liberal policies and politics. Thailand survived with this goodwill intact.

At present, Thailand is facing a concerted onslaught by new forces. Diplomacy efforts are being waged by high profile public-relations companies seeking to damage Thailand's reputation by giving it the thumbs down concerning its international obligations and democratic development. Thanks to Thaksin's ingenuity and enormous wealth, he can afford foreign lobbyists who have sought to ridicule the coup-makers and their supporters. Subsequently, he has taken his personal vendetta to the highest levels. Now the government is up against the Goliath of spin firms and lobbyist groups. The recent advertising campaign by the group USA for Innovation is a case in point.

These efforts to stigmatise Thailand are deplorable. To say that Thailand is moving in Burma's direction is preposterous. The rhetoric of this campaign does work well given the current situation in Thailand and the coup's aftermath. However to conjure up images of a tyrannical government that refuses to follow its international commitments and respect democracy is a bit outlandish. Those who have followed Thai politics and the history of its international engagements and obligations closely would dismiss such allegations.

As strange as it may seem, Thailand today is both close and far from a full-blown democracy. The charter drafters want to put forward what they feel is best for the country. Apparently, none of them has learned, even with 17 charters annulled before the one they are working on, that there is no such thing as a perfect constitution. After all, the charter is not the real problem - it has more to do with the power wielders who seek to twist it. Time is running out for the CNS and the government to remedy what has gone wrong since they took power. History is not kind to those who allow precious time to slip away. Anything short of a radical shift in policies and actions would be futile. From now on, Thailand cannot be governed by leaders with faint hearts.

Kavi Chongkittavorn