In short, neither the government nor the all-powerful junta that seized power last September has a strategy to deal with the problem called "Thaksin".

We can be sure that media-savvy Thaksin will continue to try to extract maximum political mileage from his globetrotting exile. A series of policy and political blunders by both the Surayud government and the CNS has provided him with enough fresh ammunition to score points with the international community.

The controversial capital-control measures that more than rattled the stock market when they were announced in late December, the CNS' media gag and the revision of the foreign business law are among issues that have been grabbed by Thaksin to paint the picture of a military-installed government hostile to foreign investment and free media. What Thaksin has said in media interviews resonates with several leading international business publications that have taken a strong editorial stand against the September 19 coup and are questioning the direction of the interim government in Bangkok.

The impression of these influential publications and, to some extent, the international business community - fuelled in no small part by Thaksin's well-publicised rebukes of the Surayud government - is that the ousted administration's foreign business-friendly policy is being reversed. The sufficiency economy philosophy is also being interpreted as a rejection of foreign investments.

And the fact that, despite all the accusations that his rule was fraught with corruption and conflicts of interest, no formal charges have been levelled against Thaksin as yet is also undermining the coup-makers' justification for removing him from office. And because of that Thaksin may in a way be succeeding in portraying himself as the victim of a power grab by a military antagonistic to the idea of Thailand becoming a democracy.

While the CNS has some leverage in dealing with the local media, it's simply powerless in confronting international media. But that doesn't mean it cannot do anything to counter what Thaksin is saying outside the country.

But first both the CNS and the Surayud government must sit down and find a common strategy. Their responses to Thaksin's political manoeuvring so far have depended on who had the microphone. The spokesmen and public relations teams are obviously helpless when it comes to defending the government against Thaksin's media offensive.

The military-appointed Assets Examination Committee has already started producing results in its ongoing probes into alleged corruption involving Thaksin and people close to him. Its subcommittees have established solid grounds to implicate them in a number of graft scandals. Though the committee is still several steps away from seeking prosecution of the former leader, its findings should be enough to build up concrete cases against him. And this is something that needs to be publicised and conveyed to international media and foreign governments.

Besides a strategy, both the Surayud government and the military also need a more competent communications team that can effectively articulate government policies and respond forcefully to Thaksin's media blitz.

The Surayud government and CNS should count themselves lucky that Thaksin is far from being eloquent when it comes to communicating in English. His interview with CNN might have left many viewers scratching their heads as to what he really meant. It might not be a bad idea after all to let Thaksin continue talking to international media and shoot himself in the foot.

Well, that probably also explains why the billionaire-turned-politician is turning to the services of a Washington-based lobbyist firm. So, the CNS may have to watch out for an even more aggressive and articulate Thaksin.

Thepchai Yong