HARD TALK
An inappropriate response from 'gentlemanly' junta

A few days after ousting former prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra in a bloodless coup on September 19, coup leader General Sonthi Boonyaratglin matter-of-factly admitted to a group of senior journalists that he and his military comrades-in-arms were at a loss as how to manage things now that they had power in their hands.
And as the pro-Thaksin groups began to challenge the coup weeks after, Gen Sonthi and his colleagues in the Council for National Security (CNS) claimed they were "too gentlemanly" to respond with an iron fist the way a military junta would normally do. After all, he said, the power seizure was supposed to be a "democratic coup" and the military was prepared to tolerate some degree of political resistance. But last week, in the aftermath of the New Year's Eve bombings, the CNS chief suggested that he had had enough of being treated like a "wimp". Taking off the velvet gloves, the CNS declared it would no longer put up with elements bent on "undermining" political stability. Gen Sonthi even invented the term "new forms of threat" to describe the methods used by pro-Thaksin remnants to stir things up among people at the grassroots level. And in what is seen as a sign of desperation, the CNS decided to train its guns on the media. CNS secretary-general Gen Winai Phattiyakul took the lead in chastising the broadcast media for giving what he described as "unrestrained" coverage to the activities of the former prime minister, who was believed to have been orchestrating anti-CNS activities here in Thailand from Beijing. Uncooperative media, Winai said, would face the full force of martial law, which allows for blocking broadcasts and newspaper sales. For the first time, Gen Winai made the CNS appear like a real military junta. So in one stroke, the CNS has transformed its image from that of a naïve, benign and feeble junta into one of a tough-talking and imposing group of generals who want to remind everyone that we are still living in a politically extraordinary time. In Gen Sonthi's own words, the next few months will be the most trying time for the junta and the country since the September coup. All the political undercurrents will come to the fore as the process of drafting a new constitution gets under way, while the possible dissolution by the Constitution Tribunal of political parties allegedly involved in bribing small parties to run in the April 2 general election is likely to trigger a backlash that could lead to mass protests - the last thing the CNS would want to see happen. In private conversations, the CNS generals said they see the series of activities by pro-Thaksin groups, including the exposure of Prime Minister Gen Surayud Chulanont's questionable land possession in Nakhon Ratchasima and the recent deadly bombings in Bangkok, as part of a campaign to discredit the military and the government it appointed. Their goal, according to the generals, is to heighten resentment against the military-installed administration. The CNS leaders may have their reasons to be wary of the challenge they are facing. But at the same time they also need to be reminded that they are themselves primarily responsible for the quandary they are in. The initial public euphoria that greeted the coup apparently led them into a false sense of security. The military definitely underestimated the political tenacity and shrewdness of the prime minister they ousted. More concerned about portraying the positive side of the power seizure, the coup-makers were reluctant to put a stop to Thaksin's political manoeuvring outside the country by revoking his diplomatic passport and freezing his assets. They were also slow to act against Thaksin's political henchmen who were orchestrating anti-CNS undercurrents. In installing privy councillor Gen Surayud as the interim prime minister, the CNS leaders saw a figure who could command respect and heal political wounds brought about by Thaksin's five years in power. But the former Army commander in chief turned out to be a big disappointment. His technocrat-dominated administration has been adrift at a time when proactive policies and decisive actions are needed most. And as the country enters a new political stage, with a new constitution about to take shape and all political forces starting to manifest themselves, the CNS and the Surayud government may find it even harder to keep a lid on things. It was only four months ago that the military was lauded for intervening to end a potentially bloody political confrontation and Gen Surayud was greeted as a very welcome breath of fresh air. It's surely still not too late for them to go back to the list of expectations that the people had of them and to start seriously delivering what was promised, before disillusionment sets in. And there is certainly no harm in the CNS starting to act tough, as long as it has the right target in its sights. But clamping down on the media is probably the last thing the CNS would want to do if it is truly sincere about paving the way for the country to return to democracy. After all, didn't the CNS generals claim that they brought down Thaksin in the name of democracy?
Thepchai Yong
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