It was preposterous that the secretary-general of the Council for National Security (CNS) would resort to such a threat. It was foolish of him to attempt to garner media cooperation in this way.

After a three-month honeymoon with the media, the CNS finally flexed its muscles by attacking the electronic media, urging them to abstain from presenting news and views related to deposed prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra. Failure on the part of broadcasters to comply with this order was said to carry the penalty of punitive actions, including station closure. Fortunately, less than 24 hours later, this anti-media vitriol was immediately shot down by CNS boss General Sonthi Boonyaratglin, who light-heartedly said that Winai's remarks were the military's way of asking for media cooperation in presenting news.

Unfortunately, the damage had been done. Deep down, the ruling authorities have their own ideas concerning the role of the media. In the aftermath of the coup, they would prefer that the media perform the role of promoting national unity, harmony and sufficiency economy. That much was clear - just look at the broadcast news that followed Winai's comments.

What they fear the most is the media taking up a watchdog role, which was the case during the second Thaksin government from 2005 to last year. During Thaksin's first term, almost all electronic media establishments and quite a few newspapers were cowed and turned into lapdogs in exchange for economic incentives. Other independent media outlets continued their professional watchdog roles at their own peril. They were targeted for intimidation, harassment, closure and censorship.

Following the coup, the Thai media was momentarily liberated from Thaksin's control. The CNS did not censor the media or close down newspapers, but they did ban certain television and radio programmes that had hosts who were perceived as being pro-Thaksin. The CNS mistakenly thought that the media's support of the purge of the Thaksin regime would somehow be sustained and translate into tangible support later on.

So when media outlets turned up the heat and began disseminating news on Thaksin, as any professional media outlet would, the generosity of the CNS melted. At the same time, the media naively thought that press freedom under martial law would continue without impediment. So, when Winai threatened to use martial law as a way to shut down independent media outlets, the larger media community was stunned. The announcement was something new, scary and unexpected.

In weeks to come, worsening relations between the media and the government are unavoidable as the CNS goes into its fourth month. As October approaches, the authorities may incrementally demand more positive news coverage in all media outlets. At this juncture, as long as the high expectations of the public - including the corruption investigations concerning the Thaksin regime, the constitutional drafting process and the quick return to democracy - have not been met, the media cannot avoid reflecting that reality.

Worse, the public's sense of security has been shattered following the series of bomb blasts in the capital on New Year's Eve. Reflecting this, playgrounds on Children's Day were turned into fortresses with soldiers on guard. Fortunately there were no security mishaps. But the overall mood in the country could further inspire authorities to use their powers under martial law against the media.

If that happens, various members of the Thaksin camp would be reaching for the champagne as it would show the CNS belongs to the same flock as them when it comes to media treatment.

It is worth noting that the Thaksin government was more sophisticated than the CNS in engaging and controlling the media because Thaksin himself was a major player in the media. His government's media offensive continues to this day with deliberately created news headlines from hour to hour that are then spun and made the subject of numerous follow-ups. For three months, Thaksin travelled from his base in London to Hong Kong, Beijing and Bali to generate news headlines. His most recent trip was to Singapore where he was feted. His lawyer, Noppadon Pattama, has been smart enough to comment on Thaksin-related issues to ensure the continuation of the former premier's news shelf life.

Under current circumstances, the deposed premier could continue to make hyperbolic comments to attract the attention of foreign media. Then, local media would be seen as remiss for failing to report on these stories. It is a vicious news cycle, which the CNS and the government should have grappled with long ago.

In fact, comments and analysis that persistently portray the CNS and the government as incompetent and ineffective are more harmful than reports on Thaksin. They could attract further retaliation and media restrictions from the CNS, which has developed a media phobia.

Frustration against the media has not been an uncommon sentiment among ruling governments in this country. However, there is one caveat as the government's performance is closely linked to the wellbeing of the constitutional monarchy in the months and years to come. There could be unpredictable consequences and a backlash. Nobody knows what would happen if the media were to fail to perform the role the authorities have in mind. One can blame the messenger some of the time but not all the time.

Kavi Chongkittavorn