The Sanam Luang rally planned for Sunday is supposed to oppose the September 19 seizure of power although paradoxically it seems to have generated huge publicity in favour of the two generals and coup leaders - Saprang Kalayanamitr and Montri Sangkhasap.

The rally also appears to have been stage-managed as a trap to lure deposed politicians out into the open exposing their subversive activities designed to cause havoc on the political landscape.

In fact, events surrounding the protest organisers and wild speculation on the potential anti-coup impact have gained so much public attention that the rally itself may become a non-event - come Sunday.

By the most optimistic estimate of lead organiser Chanapat na Nakhon, the rally is expected to attract less than 30,000 protesters - a crowd that would fill less than one-fourth of Sanam Luang.

Many pro-democracy advocates and academics have distanced themselves from the planned rally and indicated they might hold separate protests at various universities, including Thammasat.

Military and security authorities have predicted that the number of protesters will be in the thousands. They anticipate a small crowd after snooping into the funding sources of the protest organisers.

They are concerned about the possibility that deposed premier Thaksin Shinawatra might finance the rally from his Beijing exile. So far, this has not happened yet.

They have also uncovered that Thai Rak Thai Party bigwigs have not opened up their purse strings although party cohorts have made token contributions to encourage anti-coup activities.

The rally has been dominating news headlines in recent days because of the anticipation rather than the actual event.

Initially, individual activists and advocacy groups seen as close to Thai Rak Thai threatened to boost the rally - only to back down.

The Caravan of the Poor and local politicians from Tambon and Provincial Administrative Organisations have decided not to descend on the capital.

Track records of the protest organisers have raised questions rather than boost the credibility of the rally.

Chanapat used to be on the payroll of the Internal Security Operations Command when Thailand fought the Communist insurgency. After the end of Cold War, he reinvented himself as an activist crusading for various causes. Many see him as activist for hire.

Other protest organisers, including Sudchai Bunchai and Thepanom Siriwithayarak, claim to lead separate movements in opposing the coup.

Only Thepanom is a veteran of organising crowds on Thai Rak Thai's behalf and he has already withdrawn his support for the

rally.

The September 19 Anti-Coup Network is a band of academics who make pro-democracy arguments and has not demonstrated any noticeable activities outside of academia.

Regardless of the actual security threat posed by the rally, Saprang and Montri have gained maximum media exposure as peacekeepers holding trouble makers at bay.

As assistant secretary of the Council for National Security, Saprang has highlighted his success in convincing various pressure groups and Thai Rak Thai remnants to tone down their opposition to the coup.

In his position as Army chief of staff, Montri is responsible for detecting and disrupting any links between deposed leaders and anti-coup activities. He has managed to verify funds channelling the anti-coup activities.

Other than winning public kudos for keeping the political situation under control, Saprang and Montri are also vying for promotion. The two are top contenders for the post of Army chief in October.   

Avudh Panananda

The Nation