And it will serve as a strong reminder that the euphoria that greeted the September 19 coup is now a thing of the past.

While the anti-coup groups have divergent agendas and are far from united, they appear to have a common goal: an end to military rule and a return to democracy through a quick election. On one hand, there are academics and political activists who on principle are opposed to any undemocratic changes and see the coup as a serious setback to Thailand's democracy. On the other hand, there are those die-hard supporters of ousted prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra who are doing everything they can - and getting paid for it - to bring their political master back to power.

It's the latter group that poses a potential threat to the CNS and the Surayud government in the immediate future. They are the product of five years of Thaksin rule under which largesse ensured political loyalty. Thaksin depended on a vast network of grassroots supporters to win two general elections and keep political threats at bay.

If thousands of people could be paid to besiege the office of Kom Chad Luek, a Thai-language sister publication of The Nation seen as being critical of Thaksin, or rally for weeks at Chatuchak Park in support of the beleaguered prime minister at the height of the anti-Thaksin crisis, just imagine what money could do when it's the only thing that can keep alive the former leader's hopes of a political resurrection.

The CNS might have committed a grave mistake by not freezing Thaksin's assets and those of the politicians who formed the so-called "Thaksin clique" that was instrumental in enforcing his iron-fisted rule.

One of the organisers of the rally has already spilled the beans as to who is the paymaster for the anti-CNS demonstration. Newin Chidchob, a former Cabinet member and one of Thaksin's political henchmen, might feign innocence by filing a police complaint against the accuser, but few doubt that he has a hand in orchestrating the pro-Thaksin masses for December 10.

Because of the pressure and threat from the CNS, the turnout at the rally might not be as big as the organisers would like. Not wanting to risk a situation in which a political demonstration might spin out of hand, the military in the North and Northeast is making every possible attempt to block potential protesters from joining up to march to Bangkok.

But even if the Sanam Luang rally eventually turns out to be just a whimper, that wouldn't mean the CNS could claim victory over the pro-Thaksin movement. As long as Thaksin supporters in the rural areas cannot be persuaded that their political idol is politically dead, renewed agitation coupled with the right financial incentives will be enough to bring them to Bangkok.

If even the better-educated and better-informed Bangkokians still cannot be convinced that Thaksin can be written off as a political force, how does CNS expect those villagers to abandon the hope that it is only a matter of time before the former prime minister returns to power?

Thaksin's recent political manoeuvring - popping up here and there in neighbouring countries - has certainly had an effect on the situation here. But it's what is seen as the coup-makers' inability to pin Thaksin down on charges of corruption, interference with independent organisations, creating political and social divisions and acts considered to be lese majeste that is emboldening his supporters. The longer it takes for these charges to stick, the more restless they will become.

Army Commander-in-Chief and coup leader General Sonthi Boonyaratglin was close to tears last week when he confided to a group of internal security officials how shocked he was to find out the extent of corruption in the administration he overthrew. He was literally accusing the Thaksin government of plundering the country. But this kind of charge has become all too familiar. The media and the People's Alliance for Democracy, which spearheaded the anti-Thaksin campaign, were talking about it long before Sonthi and his generals even thought about staging a coup.

Sonthi and his CNS colleagues have a direct responsibility to hold Thaksin accountable for all his alleged misdeeds. But the slow pace of progress by the police and the military-appointed Assets Examination Committee is making many people uneasy. It is also inevitably providing Thaksin supporters with fresh ammunition.

The CNS can be sure that it will continue to face restless masses no matter how it tries to exert pressure on their leaders, because it can never keep an eye on their every move. Only a clear signal that the door for Thaksin to reclaim political power is permanently closed will put an end to all the agitating.

However, that's not the end of the story. The generals will still have those who are genuinely fighting for democracy to deal with. And they are very unlikely to go away quietly, with or without the prospect of Thaksin coming back.

But the generals can only fight one battle at a time.

Thepchai Yong