How will he bounce back from this setback to regain his political stature remains to be seen. But the message from his political enemies is clear: his every single move will be subject to close scrutiny. Pridiyathorn has already learned hard lessons from earlier political blunders over the past two months.

First, he rushed too quickly to hold a news conference to lash out at Khunying Jaruvarn Maintaka, a member of the Asset Examination Committee. Khunying Jaruvarn fed the media with a list of bureaucrats who might have compromised their integrity by sitting on dozens of state enterprises and government agencies. Pridiyathorn happened to be on the list.

Pridiyathorn sensed that Khunying Jaruvarn might have become a political tool of media tycoon Sonthi Limthongkul. The Manager was the first publication to list senior bureaucrats simultaneously occupying seats on the boards of several state enterprises and government agencies and suggest that they might have a conflict of interest. But in the case of Pridiyathorn, who was then governor of the Bank of Thailand, he was also on the boards of the Financial Institution Development Fund (FIDF), the Exchange Equalisation Fund, the Securities and Exchange Commission. He could have kept cool and refrained from creating more enemies than necessary. If Abhisit Vejjajiva had faced this kind of situation, he would have come up with a witty way to deal with it.

Second, Pridiyathorn came out quickly to defend the FIDF's handling of its sale of land to Pojaman Shinawatra. The Asset Examination Committee is probing whether Pojaman, as wife of the then prime minister, violated the law by taking part in the land auction held by the state agency. Thaksin Shinawatra, the ousted PM, was found to have signed a document to allow his wife to bid for the land. Here too, Pridiyathorn could have sat still and waited for the situation to unfold. But, rushing to defend the FIDF gave his political enemies ammunition to accuse him of trying to save Pojaman. If the authorities move to sue Pojaman over the FIDF land deal, the former central bank boss may face further political consequences.

Third, Pridiyathorn has protected Sirote Sawasdipanich, the director-general of the Revenue Department. Earlier this year, Sirote declared the Shin Corporation deal not subject to any taxation. Now that Thaksin is no longer in power, Sirote and the Revenue Department are trying to squeeze tax from the Shinawatra and Damapong clans. Again, his political enemies are not happy with this strange episode. 

On the lottery issue, you have to admire Pridiyathorn's boldness. Thaksin introduced the two- and three-digit lotteries - which have now become a national craze - by way of a Cabinet resolution. This was illegal, as ruled by the Council of State, because the Government Lottery Act does not permit the Office of the Government Lottery to sell two- and three-digit tickets.

The lottery is a necessary evil. The two- and three-digit lotteries have brought in Bt130 billion in revenue over the past three years. Almost half the Thai population is involved in the lotteries one way or another. Suspending the two- and three-digit lotteries outright would result in a huge loss of revenue and would upset the people.

But if Pridiyathorn were to legalise the lotteries, he would risk alienating the former anti-Thaksin alliance, led by Prasong Soonsiri and Chamlong Srimuang, and create a host of political enemies. Sonthi, of the Manager Group, has already campaigned for Pridiyathorn's removal. Sonthi is upset with Pridiyathorn over the Krung Thai Bank affair. Sonthi is also afraid that Pridiyathorn might become too powerful in the post-interim government period.

Prasong, Chamlong and Sonthi have proved they can play a catalyst role. They helped bring down Thaksin. So who is Pridiyathorn to stand in their way?

Looking ahead, Pridiyathorn will face an uphill battle. He might be forced to delay the lottery bill indefinitely until the new elected government comes in. If he were to survive, he would need unquestionable backing from General Surayud and the interim government as a whole. But as the rift between the former anti-Thaksin alliance and the interim government has widened, Pridiyathorn will need to walk a delicate path. 

Thanong Khanthong

The Nation