The CNS, the NLA and the government have increasingly come under fire after a series of decisions and events despite some smart, sincere moves and hard work by the prime minister. There now seems to be an atmosphere of political uncertainty and the regime's fast-declining popularity is creating new risks.

Thailand cannot afford to have another extra-constitutional change, even a bloodless one. Leaders of the current regime must recognise that if they fail, they will bear high costs. Yet those costs are nothing compared to the possible damage to the country and its key institutions. It is thus of paramount importance that confidence is restored and there will be a swift and smooth return to normalcy.

This can only be achieved through action that sets out a clear road map for the return to democracy. Both the government and the CNS must talk and act in a way that shows they are here to restore democracy. They should start by communicating with the public about the reasons cited to justify the coup - in particular, why the normal constitutional and democratic channels were not functioning. Two months have passed with a sizeable portion, if not the majority, of the population still asking exactly what was wrong before the coup took place. The objective is not to convince people that the coup was necessary, since for many a coup is never justified, but to show that the coup is not just the result of a simple power play.

In fact, the most basic and fundamental ingredient of a democracy, namely, the rule of law, was clearly under threat. The fact that abuses of human rights contributed to the escalating violence, especially in the South, must be demonstrated. The facts surrounding the rampant corruption that went unpunished must be highlighted. Obviously it will take time before all the relevant facts can be uncovered, but all members of the new regime must show that they are engaged and determined to give top priority to redressing the wrongs of the old regime. Their failure to do so at the moment is what contributes most to public frustration. Refocusing on this will also enable the new regime to go on the offensive rather than being forced onto the defensive from daily rumours of Thaksin's return and the interpretation that martial law cannot be lifted because the regime fears open discussions on important issues.

As the facts become conclusive, any wrongdoers - be they politicians, civil servants or businesspeople - must be punished. There must be no compromises in the name of reconciliation or national unity. If we cannot establish that laws will be enforced and that no one is above the law, a return to elections and a new constitution will be meaningless.

Equally important is the need to prove the new power-holders are not self-interested. Any move that suggests those currently in power are no different from those they have accused could be very destabilising. The recent appointment of state enterprise boards met with much criticism, with people unconvinced by the explanation that military personnel were appointed to tackle corruption and for security reasons. Such reasoning should be proved by having the appointees announce how long it will take to complete their mission, and state their intention to leave once the job is completed.

The most important task, however, is the drafting of the new constitution. The process as stipulated in the provisional constitution now looks far too long-winded. Given that the CNS has very tight control over the composition of the drafting assembly, time spent on the selection process seems like time wasted. It is time to speed up every stage of the drafting process. After all, the coup was aimed at Thaksin, not the People's Constitution of 1997. Restoration of true democracy should be confirmed by moving quickly to obtain consensus on the following;

1. The new constitution will at least guarantee the rights and freedoms as stipulated in the 1997 Constitution. The government should immediately move to pass legislation (that the previous government failed to pass) to make the constitution truly effective. This includes laws to protect honest civil servants, journalists and consumers, as well as laws to facilitate public hearings and the right to manage local natural resources.

2. The new constitution will provide mechanisms for checks and balances as originally intended in the 1997 Constitution. It will avoid the pitfalls of the last 4-5 years by not granting absolute power to a single person or body and by closing all channels of partisan interference in these mechanisms. The government should also move to grant the right to people to take corruption cases directly to court. Unlike what the law currently says, taxpayers are damaged parties from such corrupt practices as deliberately buying overpriced CTX machines.

3. The new constitution must be no less democratic than the 1997 Constitution. Leaders must obtain the mandate to govern  through elections and should have the power to carry out the policies and pledges that they have presented to the people. We should not return to the days of weak, ineffective governments tied up in a continuous process of political bargaining. We should create strong but accountable and elected governments.

4. The new constitution will get to grips with the long-standing problems associated with money politics and conflict of interests. Again, the government can take immediate steps to legislate on these matters. It might begin by putting into law limits on financial contributions to political parties and regulations on how money is spent by parties and politicians.

Once this is done, the process of drafting the constitution will be swift, with a clear direction. We will then have true participation and engagement by the people in the most important mission of the current regime. Such a road map is urgently needed. The problem with the current regime is not one of public relations. The public simply wants to see that the regime is clear-headed about its priorities. It is here to clean up the mess created in the last half-decade, tackle immediate problems such as flood relief and the escalating violence in the South, and provide a smooth and swift transition of power returned to the people. It is not here to pursue its own agenda. The leaders of the government and the CNS have the credibility and public goodwill to achieve what is expected. They must now ensure that their teams and subordinates recognise their duties. The stakes for the country are too high and there is not much room for error.

Abhisit Vejjajiva

Special to The Nation

 Abhisit Vejjajiva is leader of the Democrat Party.