Despite being demonised by the urban middle class as a tyrannical leader bent on subverting the democratic foundations of this country in pursuit of selfish gain, Thaksin is believed to still be very popular among the rural masses. Incredibly, just over a month after he was toppled by the military, his spokespeople and loyal party cadres, who had been lying low until recently, have now begun assuming a patronising tone when discussing their master's homecoming. They say Thaksin's decision on when to come back is based on his concern about the possible impact on law and order.

In other words, Thaksin does not want to strike fear in the heart of the interim Surayud government and the urban middle class by his formidable presence. This serves to show that in spite of the coup, Thaksin and his Thai Rak Thai Party are still hard at work trying to sway public opinion through expertly executed political spin.

Thaksin is now being portrayed by his spin-doctors as a democratically-elected leader who, though unfairly removed from power through a military coup, is sacrificing himself by staying in exile for the sake of the country. Although it is still not clear how many people are buying this attempt to repair Thaksin's public persona, his ability to put the Surayud government on the defensive is quite remarkable.

The former prime minister's perceived political recovery is being helped partly by what is seen as slow progress by various panels assigned to investigate corruption scandals that took place during Thaksin's time in power, if not also by a sense of reluctance on the part of the Surayud government.

But make no mistake, there is no other way Thai society can make a clean break with the culture of deceit and corruption that Thaksin sowed to the detriment of the country's democracy. Failure to uproot such evil will erode the perceived legitimacy of the military coup and, by extension, that of the Surayud government, and cancel out any benefit that could be gained from the whole process of political reform that is about to begin.

However, it must be stressed that Thaksin and his cronies must be accorded the due process of law guaranteed to all Thai citizens. Any prosecution against them for corruption and other crimes must be substantiated by hard evidence.

Thais may pride themselves on their pragmatism and tolerance that makes it easier to compromise and restore harmony. But the Thaksin phenomenon is singular in terms of the damage done to the society.

Through ruthless machinations, including skilful manipulation of populist policies, Thaksin, the richest man in Thai politics, bankrolled his Thai Rak Thai Party to two consecutive landslide electoral victories and an unprecedented parliamentary majority. As the most powerful elected politician and wielding virtually absolute power, he proceeded to undermine constitutionally-sanctioned watchdog agencies, intimidated the bureaucracy into submission, muzzled the media and bent rules and regulations to his advantage.

His strategies and tactics were designed to enable him to attain and monopolise political power and then perpetuate his grip on it so that he could pursue his self-serving agenda unchallenged and maximise his personal gains.

In this context, there is really nothing to be gained from trying to achieve conciliation between pro- and anti-Thaksin camps by letting the deposed premier and his cronies off the hook for what they have done to the country. There is nothing that can be negotiated in the first place, unless one is prepared to compromise on such democratic principles as sound governance, the rule of law and public accountability.

Everybody knows that one of the main objectives of the Surayud government is to heal the deep divisions between the urban middle class and the rural masses. But it is unacceptable if reconciliation means Thaksin's transgressions are left unpunished.