Political storms have kept battering the NLA. Immediately after it was set up by the coup-makers who ousted an elected government, there was an outcry over limited representation of the poor, the majority of whom are known to be the political base of overthrown Thaksin Shinawatra. Following suit was criticism against the over-representation by active and retired military men. Then the controversy over whether the heads of three media professional umbrella bodies should accept appointments to sit in the NLA threatened to further undermine the assembly's credibility. There have also been calls for some academics to resign from the NLA as a protest against the coup.

The last thing the NLA needs is nasty skirmishes among members to decide who should be the speaker. And so far signs have been all but encouraging, with leading candidates coming with bad political baggage or having divisive potential. Meechai and Prasong are bearing the brunt of the scrutiny. The latter was involved with the street campaign against Thaksin before the coup and rumours about his role - either big or small - in the events leading to the power seizure will continue to haunt him. Prasong is probably even more controversial than Meechai, though standing a lesser chance of winning the speaker post.

Meechai has long experience in legal affairs. Known as the top legal expert in the country, that asset is becoming his liability where the NLA top job is concerned. He served the Prem government in the 1980s and also the Thaksin government, with the ousted premier once assigning him to be head of legal reform. Moreover, Meechai played a key part in helping the coup-makers who toppled Thaksin draft statements, orders, announcements and the interim charter after the coup.

While one can defend those services as testament to his unrivalled expertise, Meechai has been too close to the coup-makers for comfort. To add to the list of controversies, Meechai was the architect of an infamous executive decree that provided immunity to military leaders blamed for the bloody crackdown on pro-democracy demonstrators during the 1992 "May Crisis". The Black May Victims' Relatives Group has issued a statement demanding the NLA heed public sentiment, saying the assembly should not elect a leader with a tainted image.

The NLA badly needs a neutral figure, or in the worst case someone who can generate a semblance of neutrality. The likes of Meechai and Prasong will face so many questions that the assembly's besieged credibility may collapse. Despite the imbalance and controversial set-up, the NLA has enough respectable and neutral personalities to vie for the important job. Electing any of them will definitely restore the assembly's image, which is of utmost significance where national rehabilitation is concerned. The NLA needs a good start and can't fail at the beginning. It's as simple as that.

Apart from the credibility issue, the NLA will always face threats from those trying to undermine its legitimacy, which is already hard to defend. One wrong move - a disputed speaker, a repressive law or unfair legal measures against members of the previous government - could have far-reaching repercussions. In the eyes of the international community and local activists, the coup-makers, the interim government and the NLA are at best like a prisoner just released from jail. Even a minor mistake could be amplified. They will take one look and say: "See? Told you he couldn't help it. It's in his blood to rob again."

The interim administrators and legislators are walking a tight rope. Adding to the daunting prospect is the fickle political sentiment of many. During Thaksin's era, it was corruption and abuse of power that posed the biggest threat to society. Sooner or later people will remember "good things" about him and forget how much he reaped into his own pockets. Sooner or later people may not think of the coup on September 19 as something that put an end to something bad, but as something that took away something good. If the coup-makers and the interim government as well as the legislature are not careful and flexible enough, reluctant supporters of the upheaval could be alienated. And if that happens, it could be a fast slide down a slippery slope.