Seizing power in a military coup is not a simple task, but managing power and running a country are altogether different creatures.

Coup leader and junta chief General Sonthi Boonyaratglin is now in trouble and under con-siderable pressure as he struggles with the means of getting things done.

Like other coups in Thai political history, the Army chief used the simple excuse of corruption to topple the elected government led by Thaksin Shinawatra on September 19.

Two driving factors led to the decision to seize power: conflicts within the military about a reshuffle and street protests led by the People's Alliance for Democracy (PAD). These are not good resources for Sonthi to transform into a strategy of power management.

The vanquishing of Thaksin and the mighty power exerted through the barrel of a gun might allow Sonthi and the other top brass to have a free hand to place colleagues and subordi-nates in any military positions they wish.

But a military reshuffle does not answer the main question of what is the next step for the Kingdom and so-called Thai democracy.

Furthermore, popular support, whether managed by the PAD or emerging naturally, could be a

big headache for the junta as they will likely face a string of demands to clean up after the Thaksin regime.

The initial actions of the junta, which officially dubbed itself the Council for Democratic Reform Under Constitutional Monarchy (CDRM), give weight to the suggestion that it has no idea how to manage power and respond to popular demands.

Clearing up the vestiges of corruption from the Thaksin regime should be a priority, since corruption was the main accusation levelled against the former prime minister.

To the disappointment of those who support the coup, the military leaders have not frozen the assets of Thaksin, his family or any of his Cabinet members.

Although a number of Cabinet members including former deputy premier Chidchai Wanasatidya and PM's secretary-general Prommin Lertsuridej were taken into custody, the majority of the former government's members continue to carry on as per normal.

The coup's supporters are also angered by the appointment of people with strong connections to Thaksin and his cronies to the counter corruption commission.

The selection of Pakdi Pothisiri, the secretary general of the Drug and Food Administration who has close relations with Thai Rak Thai Party deputy leader Sudarat Keyuraphan, made former Ubon Ratchathani senator Dr Nirun Phitakwatchara cry foul.

Doubts were raised over whether the generals would be able to handle corruption cases as effectively as they claimed.

More questions about democratic reform were raised when the CDRM brought legal expert Meechai Ruchuphan, who has served many a coup, to head the team drafting the interim charter and perhaps the constitution.

Meechai, who drew up a charter for the 1991 coup, will not do anything new.

The 1991 coup was a nightmare for the military when the National Peace Keeping Council (NPKC) effectively led by General Suchinda Kraprayoon had to face a bloody uprising after Suchinda, who was not a candidate in the subsequent election, was appointed prime minister by a military-dominated parliament.

Meechai's reputation makes the junta look bad enough but it's made worse by him bringing along two close associates, Wissanu Krea-ngam and Bowornsak Uwanno, who had jumped Thaksin's ship months before the coup.

Suspicions are being raised that the pair will try to conceal Thaksin's mistakes.

Former deputy prime minister Wissanu helped to explain and justify many irregularities of the Thaksin administration, such as the scandal over the purchase of the CTX bomb detectors for Bangkok's new airport and the controversial investigation of asset transactions by media and non-government organisation leaders. The controversial Emergency Law was a Wissanu creation.

Bowornsak, former secretary of the Cabinet, was known as the person who helped to legalise Thaksin's policies.

From a democracy point of view, the 1997 Constitution revoked by the junta had a lot of Bowornsak's fingerprints.

The junta's inner circle believes Sonthi might try to polish the junta's image by removing Bowornsak and Wissanu.

The junta is still struggling to find the right person to become interim prime minister. Many names being floated have brought no consensus from the public or the top brass.

Unlike previous coup-makers such as the NPKC, which was dominated by Class 5 of the Chulachomklao Military Academy, the CDRM has no unity of classmates, although Sonthi, Navy chief Admiral Sathiraphan Keyanont and General Winai Phattiyakul, the secretary-general of the National Security Council, were classmates at Pre-Cadet Academy.

General Ruangroj Mahasaranond, the supreme commander, was part of Thaksin's alliance.

The junta is facing a dichotomy over whether Thailand really needs domestic legal reform - for political reform or international recognition for economic development, which now heavily depends on foreign capital.

The generals said they seized power to clean up corruption and to undertake political reform.

That's the reason why legal experts such as Akarathorn Chularat,

president of the Supreme Adminis-tration Court, and Charnchai Likitjittha, president of the Supreme Court, were touted as the likely interim PM.

The junta brushed off Meechai as one of the candidates, realising he was opposed by critics.

As the coup was strongly opposed and condemned by the international community, the junta is now seriously thinking about internationally regarded economic experts such as central bank governor Pridiyathorn Devakula and Unctad secretary general Supachai Panichpakdi.

The latter is the favourite, followed by Pridiyathorn and former PM Anand Panyarachun.

A week after the coup, the junta has not yet proved it is really moving in the right direction. The management of power needs more skill than the act of seizing it.

Supalak Ganjanakhundee

Jintana Panyaarvudh

The Nation