Many countries believed the move was a set-back for Thai democracy and called for the restoration of democratic politics and an election as soon as possible. However, no one has called for the return of Thaksin Shinawatra. That was a good start.

General Sonthi Boonyarataglin, head of the Council for Democratic Reform under Constitutional Monarchy (CDRM), has already pledged to form a civilian interim government by October 3. Whatever he plans to do or not do will be watched closely. He cannot afford to be even a minute late. Undoubtedly, any faux pas or weaknesses will be meticulously exploited by the deposed prime minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his Karl Rove-like public relations experts.

The strong condemnations, especially from the United States, the European Union and Australia, are not surprising considering their democratic values. Apart from the actual coup itself, these countries' view of the situation is partly the result of a year-long campaign waged overseas by Thaksin to portray himself as an elected and democratic leader. This self-aggrandisement has worked well so far. In foreign countries, he pretends to embrace the wisdom of free markets and talks of good governance, transparency and accountability, and he has quickly won over his audiences. At home, he is a different animal.

The long and impressive list of mega-project deals have won him universal praise from Bangkok-based Western diplomats. Some were slow in reporting on the real political situation in Thailand for fear of jeopardising their chances to be favourably considered for the mega deals. It must have been a shock to these diplomats that Thaksin was removed in a coup, a practice that everyone imagined had been relegated to the past. Now it is incumbent on the CDRM to do the right thing - and fast - on at least four fronts. A failure to do so would put both Thailand's democracy and the monarchy at risk.

First, there is an urgent need to follow up on and implement poverty-eradication programmes to alleviate the difficulties of the poor in rural areas in the provinces. It is not that these people are the ex-prime minister's strongest supporters and need to be catered to, rather they have been neglected for so long that Thai democracy has been rendered meaningless. Their votes can easily be manipulated and bought.

Interestingly, rural voters have been greatly empowered by the populist politics of the past five years.

Sad but true, many rural voters seem to look upon their ballots as a source of immediate reward, mainly of the financial variety. They also gained a lot from free health care, a debt moratorium and access to village funds. That much is clear.

So, an effort must be made to broaden the foundation of this empowerment and rid it of the patronage system, which is under the influence of the Thai Rak Thai party.

Second, the CDRM must reform politics and the media. The best way to do this would be to amend certain provisions of the 1997 Constitution.

However, the CDRM has already abolished the people's charter and plans to draft a new one. But it has the power to bring it back. Amending the Constitution would save time as specific articles and provisions have already been identified.

The charter must guarantee the independence and non-interference in the independent bodies. The structure and function of these monitoring organisations can be changed to improve efficiency. For instance, the Office of Information Act should create an independent body with a sufficient budget that is separate from the Prime Minister's Office. In the case of the National Commission on Human Rights, it should have the power to reprimand persons who have violated human rights.

Principles contained in Articles 39, 40 and 41 of the 1997 charter, which protect press freedom, must be retained. Ways must also be found to guarantee a free press and freedom of expression within state-controlled media establishments. Under Thaksin, state media were used to serve his interests and political ambitions. A public broadcasting model should be given serious thought to promote non-commercial community news, learning and information.

Third, the investigations into allegations of corruption and malfeasance in the Thaksin government must be transparent and follow the rule of law. The Office of the Auditor General under Khunying Jaruvan Maintaka has selected at least 20 corruption cases under the Thaksin government, including the CTX and E-passport scandals, for further investigation. These must be carried out fully and speedily. The nominee issue relating to the Shin Corp-Temasek deal also must be clarified, the sooner the better.

Initial reports said some prominent law-makers with Thaksin ties have linked up with the CDRM. This could be extremely dangerous. They want to whitewash their dirty linen by cooperating with the coup plotters. In addition, the appointment last week of the nine-member National Counter Corruption Commission was criticised because nearly half of the members have connections with politicians. Such careless appointments could taint the CDRM's reputation. They have to prove that they are not Thaksin's cronies.

Finally, Thailand needs a new foreign policy that is smaller in global ambition and bigger on substance in practice. The Thaksin-driven, self-interested diplomacy of the past five years has compromised Thailand's national interest. Lots of trade-offs and promises were also made in exchange for support for the Thai candidate for the UN's top job. The outcome of this bid should be obvious to everyone by now.

In the last quarter of this year, there are three important meetings: the Asean-China Summit in Nanning (October), the Asia Pacific Economic Cooperation leaders meeting in Hanoi (November) and the Asean Summit in Cebu (December). Whoever is named as the Thai prime minister will have an opportunity to talk with world and Asean leaders and portray Thailand in a non-partisan and healthy way.

Thailand must reclaim its lost opportunity at home and in the regional and international arenas.

Kavi Chongkittavorn