It is advisable that, in light of the accusations facing him, the Chularajmontri make a public statement and present the Muslim community and the general public with his side of the story rather than remaining quiet and allowing the charges to cast doubts upon his personal integrity as well as possibly sully the dignity of his office. Allegations include misappropriate of funds involving processing fees imposed on Thai Muslims applying to go on a Haj pilgrimage to Mecca, which is subsidised by the government.

If the Chularajmontri chooses to ignore the pressure that is building up within the Muslim community, a public inquiry initiated either by the outgoing Islamic committee or its eventual replacement should be carried out. The problem is that the complainants, led by Sa-nga Wantaensee, a former member of the National Islamic Committee, said the committee cannot initiate an inquiry into the matter without the consent of the Interior Ministry, which is responsible for the laws governing Islamic affairs. The least the government can do is facilitate an investigation by an independent fact-finding committee made up of respected members of the Muslim community, chosen by members of the community, and make the findings public.

If the Chularajmontri and his close associates are able to clarify and explain their actions and prove beyond any reasonable doubt that what they have done is in the Muslim community's best interest, the matter can be put to rest. On the other hand, if the fact-finding committee decides that there are grounds for further action - such as the prosecution of those involved - the National Islamic Committee must be asked to make the decision as to whether to urge the Interior Ministry to press charges against alleged wrongdoers.

It must be stressed that according to the due process of law, the Chularajmontri and his associates must be presumed innocent until proven guilty. This is a delicate matter. The dispute over the conduct of the Chularajmontri is part of a larger debate among leading members of the Muslim community concerning the way the National Islamic Committee is organised and whether it truly represents and is accountable to Muslims in this country.

There is also the matter of a lack of checks and balances concerning the office of the Chularajmontri, which wields considerable influence in coordinating with the government to promote the welfare of Muslims and provides advice concerning policy pertaining to Muslim affairs. The alleged corruption stems from the lack of established principles of sound governance and the generally arbitrary nature of the way the Chularajmontri exercises his authority.

Moreover, Muslims in the deep South have always complained that they have a disproportionately small say within the National Islamic Committee, despite the fact that the area contains the majority of Thailand's Muslims. This partly explains why many in this area feel neglected both by their fellow Muslims and the government. Each of the 36 provinces with a significant number of Muslims elects their own provincial Islamic committee. Each provincial Islamic committee in turn elects one of their own to sit on the 48-member National Islamic Committee chaired by the Chularajmontri.

The organisational structure of the National Islamic Committee should be revamped as suggested by Muslim leaders from the deep South. One way of doing it would be to introduce a new system of proportional representation that would allow the majority of Muslims in the deep South a greater number of seats on the National Islamic Committee and thus a greater say in the administering of Islamic affairs. At a time when the government needs fresh ideas on how to solve the southern insurgency, such a move would enable the National Islamic Committee to play a proactive role not only in restoring peace, but also in ensuring that the welfare of southern Muslims receives the greater attention that they deserve.