Southeast Asia is no exception. Indeed, the impact of that day on the region is much bigger than we would like to admit, especially in the case of Thailand.

After all, it was the global campaign against terrorism that brought the US closer to Southeast Asia. This strategic shift also coincided with a longstanding desire in the US to reassert itself in the region following years of neglect.

Obviously, the Bush administration wants to cooperate with the region's governments to pre-empt whoever or whatever might arise to threaten US security. With the emergence of reports that terrorists with connections to al-Qaeda had used Thailand, the Philippines and Indonesia as havens for their meetings, planning sessions and training before the September 11 attacks, Southeast Asia suddenly became a new front in the war on terrorism. This situation has guided Bush's foreign policy towards Southeast Asia.

Countries in the region have responded differently to the US's call for further cooperation to fight terrorism, based on their perceived national interests. Within Southeast Asia, Singapore has been the US's most enthusiastic partner in the global war against terrorism. The island state's government has discovered local terrorist plots to disrupt international flights and blow up foreign embassies. Radical extremists linked to the various terrorist plots have been jailed. Singapore has since been considered a true strategic partner to the US and major asset in this region.

Indonesia and Malaysia, as the world's most populous and developed Muslim nations, respectively, have been cautious. They have domestic concerns to think about. Furthermore, they do not want to jeopardise their standing within the global Muslim community. Malaysia, under former prime minister Mathathir Mohammad was the world's first Muslim-led country to reap diplomatic benefits from its strong stand against radical Muslims and has been praised by the Bush administration, paving the way for much-improved bilateral ties. Malaysia has also raised its profile through its leadership in the Organisation of Islamic Conference and the Non-Aligned Movement.

Indonesia, meanwhile, has reacted more slowly to the situation as its government has been going through a political transition. Under the leadership of President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Indonesia has had to deal with domestic problems like its own home-grown terrorists, in particular Jemmah Islamiyah. The Bali bombings in October 2002 brought the issue of terrorism into focus for Indonesia. Subsequent bombings at the Hotel Marriott in Jakarta have heightened the need to stamp out local terrorist networks and their regional linkages.

The Philippines and Thailand, two key US allies, have cooperated closely with the US in both training and intelligence sharing. But they are not reliable partners like Singapore. Their leadership styles and political situations have made further anti-terrorism cooperation more difficult.

Although President Gloria Arroyo established a close rapport with Bush, being the first to call to express sympathy with him after the attacks, the friendship did not last. When a Filipino worker was captured by a radical group in Iraq in 2004 and threatened with beheading, Arroyo caved in and pulled out Filipino troops, much to the chagrin of the US government.

After the first deployment of Thai troops to Iraq in September 2003, Thaksin did not follow up on his promise to send a second batch in late 2004 due to the situation in Thailand's southern provinces of Yala, Narathiwat and Pattani. It was a case of the chickens coming home to roost. After all, it was Thaksin who exploited the war on terrorism for his own personal interests.

Ten hours before a scheduled meeting with US President George W Bush on June 10, 2003, a group of Thais suspected of being members of Jemmah Islamiyah (JI) was arrested in the South. Miraculously, Thaksin's visit, arranged by the US-Thai Business Council, was then elevated to an informal bilateral meeting. Within hours, the arrests in Thailand were hailed as proof of Thailand's commitment to the global war on terrorism.

Last June a local court threw out the case of the alleged JI members because of flimsy evidence. For Thaksin, it was a mission accomplished.

The arrest has opened a deep psychological wound among southern Muslims, who have been constantly victimised by the powers that be. This injustice has already embedded itself in the hearts and minds of young Muslims, some of whom have been involved in the violence in the South. One of the accused as JI members, Dr Wae Mahadi, has recently won a Senate seat to represent Narathiwat.

Last week, Bush admitted that the CIA operated secret jails overseas to hold and interrogate al-Qaeda suspects, and the US Senate concluded there were no linkages between the ousted Iraqi leader, Saddam Hussein, and al-Qaeda. More spun truths related to the war on Iraq are likely to come out to save Bush's presidency and his legacy. But whatever the outcome of November's mid-term elections in the US, Washington's strong interest in fighting terrorism at the sources will continue especially in the Philippines and Indonesia.

The US would like to have all Southeast Asian countries cooperate in fighting against terrorism, including the Proliferation Security Initiative.

While other Southeast Asian countries could probably weather the storm and have displayed resilience in fighting terror based on their long experience in dealing with ethnic groups, Thailand would face greater difficulties in coping with violence and terrorism inside its borders.

Kavi Chongkittavorn