HARD TALK
'Failed state' the logical outcome of PM's divisive rule

Thailand may still be a long way from becoming a "failed state" as former prime minister Anand Panyarachun suggested last week, but for top politicians to deny that the country is deeply divided and most of its democratic institutions are not functioning is to deny reality.
And it's only a matter of time before a country that is being torn apart by political divisions becomes ungovernable. Anand was surely not the first to sound the alarm over the potentially explosive crisis facing the country. But coming from a former leader and diplomat with great political insight, his "failed state" remarks should serve as a rude wake-up call for an administration whose sole goal is self-preservation. But as expected, what Anand said not only fell on deaf ears but also prompted the usual shoot-from-the-hip rebuttal from caretaker Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra and his Thai Rak Thai spokesmen. They publicly heaped scorn on both Anand and General Prem Tinsulanonda, president of the Privy Council, who has consistently appealed to the public conscience to resist what he sees as the threat posed to Thai society by corrupt politicians abusing the trust of the people. Without mentioning names, Thaksin on Saturday sarcastically described them as "senile leaders" who cannot keep pace with change. For his own selfish reasons, Thaksin has chosen to bury his head in the sand and ignore what his critics have to say. But the reality is that the longer he stays in office, the more divided the country becomes. And with every word he speaks, and every action he takes, it seems he is leading society along the path towards a confrontation. Many who lived through the political turbulence of the mid-1970s cannot help drawing comparisons between the current political crisis and the situation leading up to the bloody crackdown on student activists at Thammasat University that preceded the military coup of October 1976. They believe many of the ingredients that fomented the violence then are present now. Thai people might have had their political differences in the past, but this is the first time in history that this society is politically split right down the middle. And this is all because of one man. The danger now is that Thaksin appears to be doing everything he can to intensify the already volatile political situation. His recent command to members of his Thai Rak Thai Party to mobilise their rural supporters cannot be interpreted as anything other than a prelude to a possible showdown with his opponents. The caretaker prime minister's propaganda machine has been working overtime to spread hate messages against anti-Thaksin groups through its own cable television programmes, community radio and newspaper. This "us and them" mentality has manifested increasingly through the angry language which pro- and anti-Thaksin factions of the society use against each other. Thaksin's recent description of Bangkokians as "fools" prone to manipulation by those opposed to him has further driven the wedge between the urban and rural masses. He has left no doubt that he wants his upcountry supporters, who have been the direct beneficiaries of his populist policies, to view his critics in big cities as being out to eat their lunch. It's obvious that Thaksin is banking on the upcoming election to reclaim his legitimacy. And there is every likelihood that his Thai Rak Thai will again be swept back to power - though probably with a smaller margin of victory, but enough of one to be taken by Thaksin as a sign of redemption. But any notion that the election will restore the country to normalcy is simply presumptuous. On the contrary, it is more likely to touch off another political crisis - one that has the potential to be even more explosive. It's an illusion to believe that Thaksin will decide to take a political break after the election - especially if his party wins the landslide victory. Thaksin's political machine is more than ready to mobilise millions of his supporters onto the streets, especially in the North and Northeast, to insist that with a renewed mandate he is more than justified to continue to rule. The ongoing assassination attempt drama is providing Thaksin with a new excuse as to why he mustn't give in to people who wanted to take his life. But an election victory is not equivalent to political legitimacy. Those who have been demanding that Thaksin step down will definitely not remain idle just because he wins the election, therefore raising the spectre of a bloody clash between those on the two extremes. It's already bad enough that Thaksin has been unable to visit the violence-plagued South - either because he finds it unsafe or politically unpalatable - as ex-prime minister Anand pointed out last week. But it will definitely be far worse if he believes that the only way he can stay in power is to pit the Thai people against one another. Because by doing so, he will only bring the country closer to becoming a "failed state".
Thepchai Yong
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