The signing of the TIFA was seen as a result of the US's strategic manoeuvring to bolster its influence in the region. The US has come to recognise Asean's significance as the core of a future pan-Asian trading bloc that will include China, Japan, South Korea and India. This is one of the reasons behind the US's recent decision to appoint an ambassador to Asean.

Despite Asean's sterling prospects, observers remain sceptical whether its internal development is also such a success story. As trade ministers met in Kuala Lumpur, a Singaporean think tank organised a two-day seminar in order to revisit the Bali Concord II - a declaration that sets guidelines for the creation of an Asean community. The seminar was intended to be a reality check for all three pillars of the Asean community: security, economics and socio-cultural affairs.

It was announced that although progress had been made at a reasonable pace in all areas, old problems have continued to hold back the community-building process. These range from a lack of inter-sectoral coordination and resource mobilisation, the lack of an evaluation mechanism and the institutional capacity to cope with challenges, as well as an inability to translate ideas into actions.

One particular area that emphasises Asean's weakness is the lack of enthusiasm for any attempt to move away from the grouping's state-centric organisation toward a more participatory community, in which civil societies are encouraged to play a bigger roll in building a more open kind of regionalism.

In the course of building the community, an Asean Charter has been under development to lay out the corporate body's principles, functions and organisational structure. In other words, it seeks to boost Asean's institutional capacity. But the process of drafting the Asean Charter has been problematic in itself. Asean Secretary General Ong Keng Yong, who spoke at the forum, voiced concern over the technical difficulty involved in drawing up the charter.

Ong made it clear that the charter had not yet been drafted. The Eminent Persons Group (EPG) has been tasked with offering recommendations regarding the purposes and content of the charter. It is expected that the EPG's recommendations will be presented at the Asean Summit in Cebu, the Philippines, later this year.

Upon adopting the recommendations from the EPG, the "Cebu Declaration of the Blueprint of the Asean Charter" will be launched. This document will lay out the guidelines for a high-level task force and its responsibilities, mainly in the drafting of a charter. Some Asean members have proposed a one-year time limit for the drafting process. This would coincide with the grouping's 40th anniversary and the summit's return to Singapore in 2007.

But many questions still need to be addressed. How will the high-level task force be composed? Is the proposed time frame for drafting the charter realistic? How will the Asean Secretariat and the post of the secretary general be adjusted to give them real authority? And more importantly, will the grouping be prepared to submit to the stronger sense of legality once the charter becomes effective?

The early signs are not promising. Asean insiders have noted that the EPG brings together an odd assortment of characters, from the so-called "sleeping Buddha" to highly educated and intellectual individuals who might not propose anything practical.

The next conundrum is: What if some Asean members decline to abide by the charter? Here, appear to be two solutions. First, members who refuse to sign up to the charter will have to pinpoint exactly what they cannot accept. Amendments to those points will be made if the other members agree. Second, if amendments cannot be agreed upon, Asean may allow the opposing country to stay outside the charter for a specific period and then opt-in later, when they are more ready. Basically, members can be excluded from the Asean charter only temporarily, not forever.

To make the charter even more sacred, a mechanism to expel members if they behave badly might also be included in this new mini-constitution.

Musa Hitam, the chair of the committee preparing a draft of the Asean Charter, said in Kuala Lumpur that, "It could be, on a more serious note, chuck them out, or expulsion. It could mean just a resolution against them. We have to ensure that the members conform." His statement was clearly aimed at Burma, which has infuriated its neighbours with the slow pace of democratisation and its refusal to release opposition leader Aung San Suu Kyi.

Recognising the myriad hurdles that have emerged along the road to the Asean Charter, Ong raised one interesting point: Asean needs one true champion who can lead the organisation into a turbulent new international setting. He praised President Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono of Indonesia for his strict adherence to principles. His support and devotion to the strengthening of Asean have been evident beyond regional gatherings.

Civil society groups seem to agree with the quality of the Indonesian president. Commendations also went to Vietnam, a new defender of Asean; Brunei, which pushed for a people-centred Asean; and Malaysia, an engine of East Asian integration.

Sadly for Thailand, they all agreed that having a "strong, authoritarian prime minister" would not help Asean climb to a higher level at this crucial stage.

Dr Pavin Chachavalpongpun is an independent writer based in Singapore.

Dr Pavin Chachavalpongpun