Wissanu Krea-ngam, acting deputy prime minister and a legal luminary, announced his decision to quit on Thursday, following in the footsteps of his kin, ex-Cabinet secretary-general Borwornsak Uwanno, who has just left the monkhood after a brief period of solace and serenity at a Buddhist temple.

Both men said they planned to vacation abroad and then return to the academic world, imparting their knowledge and experience to students. Neither of them offered adequate explanation as to why they no longer wanted to serve Thaksin, but it was not difficult to understand their growing difficulties in fulfilling the wishes and ambitions of their demanding boss.

Wissanu was supposed to be the last man standing side by side with Thaksin amid increasingly formidable adversity and threats to his power base. With his vast legal knowledge, resourcefulness, and exceptional talent in dealing with tough problems and serving politicians, he could still prosper with unlimited career prospects.

He must have been regarded being deputy prime minister the farthest point he could get. Wissanu obviously did not want to take further risks that could potentially ruin his whole life, not to mention whatever remaining honour and credibility he still has. Bowing out while there was still room for exit was better than being forced out or evicted.

What followed his disclosure to the public of his decision to leave the government was a surprise indeed. Thaksin said that the top legal hand would end his service two days after he announced his intention to quit - no luxury of a month's time to clear his desk, as Wissanu had hoped.

It must have been really too tough for Wissanu to carry on exploring legal venues and possible loopholes for Thaksin to prolong his grip on power. He may have foreseen many stumbling blocks ahead and realised as well that his boss was in a no-win situation after recent government policies and actions failed to receive endorsement from those in high places.

Wissanu's departure on the heels of Borwornsak was another blow to Thaksin. The man obviously jumped off what he regarded as a sinking ship into shallow waters for self-preservation. The negative impact of the departure of these two legal brains is more than one of just resignations. It sent a strong message to the public that there was something either seriously wrong or horribly sinister in the regime.

The public got the signals, of course, but there is still no means to effect a smooth transition of government power due to complex legal hurdles and political scheming among those who fear that loss of power might possibly lead to possible loss of assets and freedom.

There are still men serving Thaksin for various reasons, such as self-serving interests, fear of reprisal for antagonising the boss, and cronies hanging on hoping for some miracle to end their political misfortune.

Thaksin is not near the end of the road as yet, at least in the next few weeks. He still has some room to struggle further, as long as the Election Commission and the current Senate Speaker Suchon Chaleekrua retain their jobs. Popularity among the people can be dealt with later, as long as he controls a huge campaign budget and government funds.

Yet the threats of possible criminal punishment are no longer remote. The troika of political power must have realised that they face a hostile legal process and growing public pressure for them to come to disgraceful ends. As of now, the odds are against them and their prospects aren't that rosy.

There is an urgent need to find replacements for Borwornsak and Wissanu. They should not be hard to find. Legal advisers usually come a dime a dozen, so to speak. But the ones with real top-notch credibility would only agree to put their pride and reputation at risk for a fat pay cheque and bonus, either in cash or in kind.

Does Thaksin understand his predicament when more and more people tend to desert him for their own survival? There was wild speculation that key Cabinet members were contemplating resigning, but there were also repeated denials. One thing is clear, though: Thaksin must be finding it hard to gauge who is still loyal to him.

Being lonely at the top during hard times is a normal situation for leaders on their way down and out. Thaksin is no exception. Money and power cannot buy loyalty because in the end every man wants to live freely instead of in confinement.

If Thaksin has time to look back, he should understand why he has come this far. There have been frequent warnings, including quite a few from this column, that one day the man who is full of hubris and arrogance would face the likes of Brutus all around him, not knowing from which direction the first stab will come.

The two legal hands were merely tickling with kid gloves, not gripping long knives.

Sopon Onkgara