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Home > Opinion > The end of al-Zarqawi





EDITORIAL
The end of al-Zarqawi

The death of the Jordanian-born terrorist is a positive development, but Iraq still has a long road to travel

It is yet to be seen what impact the death of the head of al-Qaeda in Iraq, Abu Musab al-Zarqawi, who was killed on Wednesday in a joint US-Iraqi raid on a safe house in Baquba, will have on efforts by Iraq's new national unity government to suppress insurgency and stabilise the country. But that didn't stop Iraqi Prime Minister Nuri al-Maliki from triumphantly announcing al-Zarqawi's death on Thursday, while US President George W Bush welcomed the news as a chance for Iraq's new government to "turn the tide" against extremist violence.

Al-Zarqawi, 39, was blamed for countless attacks in Iraq and accused of personally beheading foreign hostages. His death is one most significant events in Iraq since the December 2003 capture of former president Saddam Hussein, because it finally brings to an end the bloody reign of terror of this Jordanian-born militant known for his extreme brutality. He was said to have personally beheaded two British and American hostages in videos released over the Internet.

But as the world proclaimed his death to be a major blow against the insurgency in Iraq, it should be noted that the global war on terrorism is far from over.

In fact, al-Zarqawi's death does not even constitute the beginning of the end of al-Qaeda's network of terror in Iraq. The man may be gone, but he was more powerful as a myth anyway.

Nevertheless, it is important to understand al-Zarqawi and his network in the proper context.

With or without him, insurgency was long in the making in this trouble-plagued Middle East country, which lived through one of the most brutal leaders in modern times.

Ousted President Saddam Hussein had killed hundreds of thousands of his political opponents during his own reign of terror. He kept a tight leash on both the Kurds and the Shi'ites and showed no mercy whatsoever to anybody who dared challenge his rule. And when that rule did finally end, a Pandora's box was opened.

But while insurgency has been very much a part of post-Saddam Iraq, jihadists like al-Zarqawi represent a foreign element. His involvement illustrated how an international jihadist network could have penetrated a domestic insurgency.

Al-Zarqawi attracted Arab nationals and other Islamic radicals who thought they had a right to impose their brand of Islam on the people of Iraq. They also believed that this self-righteousness granted them a licence to behead their hostages, which they loved to videotape.

His targeting of civilians caused considerable revulsion among Sunnis and Shi'ites alike, and his falling out with tribal leaders in the Sunni triangle has caused some to suspect that the information leading to his whereabouts may have come from within his circle.

But history has shown that the success of any insurgency depends on popular support. Al-Zarqawi was a half-baked liberator who had no right or invitation to go to Iraq. The man was more interested in provoking chaos and sectarian civil war. This Jordanian militant was behind a spate of car bombings that have killed civilians all across the country since late 2003.

While his death may have removed a powerful provocateur, in the final analysis it is up to the government and the people of Iraq to bring an end to the sectarian violence.

While his death is not the beginning of the end of terrorism or foreign fighters in Iraq, it could be the beginning of a tough process of bringing the country's home-grown insurgency into the political fold. If Iraq succeeds in doing that, then there will be no room for other al-Zarqawis or their foreign fighters.

We could wait for one side to kill off the other, but that's a bit unrealistic. Sectarian and political violence is likely to continue unless the political demands of each side can be accommodated.

And although there is now a government in Baghdad, it still has a long way to go to gain the faith and support of its people.







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