Somkid is a "nice guy", at least that seems to be the consensus among those who know him. His other credentials include the fact that he is less abrasive than his boss - and someone who is more ready to strike a compromise with his opponents.

"Compromise" in Thai politics could mean different things to different people, though. And in serving Thaksin, being a man of compromise could mean (surprisingly in accordance with the synonyms offered by "Roget's Thesaurus") making concessions, splitting the difference, giving way, yielding, surrendering or even "desertion of principle" or "evasion of responsibility".

Somkid might not have behaved like a "wimp" - one of several possible attributes of a man given to compromise according to the dictionary - but he has definitely never shown himself to be capable of disagreeing with Thaksin on the basics of what could have gone wrong with Thaksinomics.

He no doubt also knows a thing or two about economics. That, too, might come in handy to tackle the problems left over by Thaksinomics and its twin brother, the highly expensive raft of populist policy measures.

But then, Somkid has been promoting Thaksinomics with a vengeance. In fact, in many cases, he was even more Catholic than the Pope; he could outtalk Thaksin on Thaksinomics. Is this a case of the cure being worse than the disease?

This potential premier-nominee has also been known to be a man of integrity, up to a point. And that is highly important for anyone succeeding Thaksin, whose conflict-of-interest issues have proven to be the last straw that broke the back of his political standing.

Somkid, having been an academic all his life before being drafted by Thaksin as his supposed "economic czar", does not have a negative personal record.

But his record is shaken from faithfully serving in Thaksin's dubious political shadow for five years. "The best and the brightest" who were serious about keeping their name untarnished have already left to make sure that the public draws a clear line between them and Thaksinomics.

But Somkid, the ever loyal supposed No 2, stayed behind, showing no apparent discomfort with the political subterfuge around him. His only disclaimer has always been: "I have nothing to do with politics", although every plank of a populist platform is invariably a political ploy to win the next election.

And it is not as if Somkid is really all that innocent about the inner workings of politics. Perhaps without even realising it, he has somehow been infected with Thaksin's touch of the occasional Machiavellian musings. He has been heard to say, not without a sense of lurking arrogance after having been in a position of power, something along this line:

It isn't all that difficult to run this country. All you need to do is to make the Thai people believe that you are really doing something for them. Whether you actually deliver it or not becomes secondary once they think along the lines you want them to.

But after Thaksin's credibility debacle, the country sorely needs a man of moral integrity, intellectual independence and unshakeable determination to embark on genuine political reform.

He must also be able to reach out to all segments of society, especially those with a critical bent of mind. The new leader must be able to engage even the most cynical detractors in a dialogue for national reconciliation.

Thaksin failed miserably in all these crucial areas, and Somkid has not shown the kind of fortitude of character that would qualify him for the top political post of the country.

It's certainly not enough for the new prime minister to simply demonstrate that he or she is not Thaksin's puppet. A new leader will have to be able to prove capable of undoing all the ill effects of Thaksin's legacy. And if the crunch comes, the new premier must show impartiality in any future investigations into all the questionable high-level business deals related to conflicts of interest that may involve Thaksin, his family members or his close associates.

Sad to say, if Somkid doesn't seem qualified to pass the final exam, none of the other possible Thaksin nominees - including ex-House speaker Bhokin Bhalakula, acting premier Chidchai Vanasatidya or acting Agriculture Minister Sudarat Keyuraphan - can even survive the preliminary tests.

For the sake of country's best interests, a more likely scenario would be to nullify the snap election (the chaos that will ensue with this April 23 re-election will confirm the worst) after which a non-partisan government should be set up and a broad-based search for a genuinely qualified new prime minister be launched to put the country back on track.

The installation of a puppet prime minister manipulated by "Chairman Thaksin", answerable to no particular political body, will certainly push the country along a catastrophic course, much worse than the few months of political predicament we have been facing.

Thailand can't afford to become anything resembling a modern-day banana republic.

Suthichai Yoon