Now it seems to be a blessing in disguise because of the high "no-vote" turnout (which required no palms to be greased or money to change hands) that could hasten the demise of the embattled caretaker Prime Minister Thaksin Shinawatra.

Thaksin, who defied incredible pressures to string out his political bargaining until the ballots could be cast, may still be taking some pleasure from the election. By weathering the storm, he has now been officially "laundered" by this bizarre, mostly uncontested election.

At time of writing, Thaksin's candidates have won big in constituencies in the North and Northeast regions as expected. But the unexpectedly high number of "no votes" in Bangkok, the central region and 56 districts in the southern provinces have shaken Thaksin's and Thai Rak Thai's legitimacy. In this election, there are 276 single-candidate constituencies, and it must be remembered that they ("they" all being Thai Rak Thai members) require 20 per cent of the votes. If history is any guide, and with the logistic problems this time around, including the use of rubber stamps and sloppiness in setting up polling booths, it could all end up rather messy.

Perhaps the saddest thing has been the Election Commission's passive attitude to protecting the public interest. The EC refused to look into a petition by university professors and lecturers about Thaksin's breaches of electoral law. As such, electoral malpractice will be rampant and not be reported or taken up for serious investigation. In fact, some cases from the previous election have yet to be properly investigated.

Judging from his comments and overall stance last night, Thaksin is now likely to take what is known in local parlance as ven vak - a political break. He has not made clear if this recess would remove him from the premiership or politics generally. Of course his decision depends on the final vote tally, which will be known tomorrow. Then, Thaksin's true colours should be revealed.

Long before yesterday's poll, Thai Rak Thai Party insiders predicted their party would win about 20 million votes, one million more than their record in last year's election. After all, party canvassers, village heads and those who have benefited from the government's cash give-away schemes are very much in control in key positions throughout the country, except in the southern provinces. The initial outcome of yesterday's vote clearly reflected this strong link.

With the outcome of yesterday's vote, Thaksin will still think he has won the game of political brinkmanship, despite the big "no vote" turnout. He sees the vote, especially in rural areas, as a national referendum on his leadership. In a day or two, he has to make a big decision in which he has two options. The first is a grand exit strategy: he simply does what he has pledged all along and steps down as premier to let another party leader take the helm. In this case, it could be Deputy Prime Minister Somkid Jatusripitak. To impress the public, he could ask for an audience with His Majesty the King to decline the premiership. This would ease the current political tension and Thaksin could watch the political reforms from the sidelines. It would be the most graceful way for him to exit Thai politics temporarily.

Or he could stay on as an elected politician, citing his mandate, and serve in some other powerful position, such as House Speaker. This scenario is highly unlikely now, but he could defer his decision and come back later on. Thaksin has coveted this post for a long time because, apart from the premier, only the speaker can make or break political initiatives. He knows he can use the position to manipulate Thai politics as he sees fit. In this scenario, the centre of political gravity will shift from Government House to Parliament. He believes he has the money and political clout to achieve these objectives.

When General Prem Tinsulanonda, president of the Privy Council, cast his advance vote last week, he sent a strong signal that the ballot would definitely be held. It was equally clear that the call by the coalition of civic organisations, various professional and intellectual groups and the Democrat Party for direct royal intervention in the political turmoil would for the time being remain just "an expression of common desire".

Interestingly, this historic appeal did not come about by itself. A series of books on the nature of royal power, written by a former bureaucrat who was also a Thai Rak Thai leader, were a big hit when released early last year, generating debate in a society which used to treat any royal subject as taboo.

The debate on royal power gained much currency and it gradually entered the realm of public consciousness that royal power would prevail and come to the rescue when the country faces a political crisis. It has been a source of hope, almost wishful thinking, among Thais who disdain Thaksin's lack of accountability and transparency. For example, the Supreme Administrative Court's ruling against the privatisation of the Electricity Generating Authority of Thailand was very damaging to Thaksin, who pushed hard for the plan. But he refused to take responsibility and dismissed the flaws in the plan as technical errors.

This sentiment eventually led a cross-section of civil society, including businessmen and professional groups, to change tactics shortly before the election and, instead of asking for people to boycott or cast "no vote" ballots, make a united call for a royally bestowed prime minister.

Immediately after Prem's appearance at the ballot booth, university professors and intellectuals switched strategy to call for the "no vote" option. The focus then shifted to the prime minister himself, but it was a bit too late.

However, Thaksin's opponents still hope to use the high "no vote" ballots as grounds to pressure him to stay away from politics for good, along with more street protests, of course.

Furthermore, the political situation in days to come will be volatile because of voting irregularities in various areas. The EC will be under close scrutiny again. Of course, the authorities will not be able to respond to public calls in time for investigations into vote rigging, which could lead to higher turnouts at the rallies planned on April 7 and 8. For its part, Thai Rak Thai wants to hold the inaugural Parliament session as soon as possible to make official their continued reign.

However, there could be rumblings and possible clashes when the People's Alliance for Democracy returns to Government House later this week. The confrontation could be more aggressive, without the illusions or restraint the protesters had in previous face-offs.

 Kavi Chongkittavorn