Thaksin’s pretext for the meeting with the academics was to get their input for what he claimed to be a possible wide-ranging amendment to the Constitution, based on “scientific research”. But the prime minister was deliberately vague about which aspects of the Constitution needed to be amended. As he put it, he wanted hundreds of ideas to bloom among the academics.

A proposal from one participant, Thammasat University rector Surapon Nitikraipot, that a more specific framework be adopted to provide a guideline for such research was dismissed out of hand by the prime minister. It came as no surprise that Surapon was the only university rector with the courage to challenge Thaksin at the forum.

Others who spoke were largely supportive of the prime minister’s initiative, despite the fact that most were newcomers when it came to constitutional law.

The Government House meeting was obviously the latest in a series of attempts by Thaksin to counter the rising tide of political discontent that is threatening his administration. The anti-Thaksin movement has been given a big boost by students and academics, who have launched their own campaigns aimed at ousting the prime minister.

Even though students and the academics may differ with media firebrand Sondhi Limthongkul and his anti-Thaksin allies in their approach, they share the same objective: Thaksin must go.

Outwardly at least, Thaksin wants to believe that the students and academics who are campaigning against him are a minority, with the majority of university students still politically apathetic, while as government officials most university lecturers are legally obliged to follow political orders.

But with political resentment spreading across campuses nationwide, it must have dawned on Thaksin that he could not possibly ignore them. The forum with university lecturers last week was, therefore, designed more to drum up political support for the beleaguered prime minister than seriously to address issues at the core of the discontent with him.

It was yet another public-relations stunt designed to send a message to the public that despite all the noise on campus, senior university lecturers were still behind him.

But the smokescreen couldn’t hide the fact that the rising tide of political resentment has taken a toll on the PM, despite his state of denial. Amending the Constitution by getting university rectors involved was nothing more than an attempt to buy time and divert public attention from the real issues.

While there is a clamouring for the Constitution to be amended, in order to lessen the power bestowed on political office-bearers and strengthen the system of checks and balances, the most pressing question at the moment has to do with Thaksin’s legitimacy to rule.

Calls for Thaksin to step down have less to do with his constitutional power and more to do with charges against him and his administration of conflict of interest, misuse of power and corruption. The recent dubious sale of his family’s stake in Shin Corp to Singapore’s Temasek Holdings was the last straw and brought all of the various anti-Thaksin factions together.

The Constitution Court’s decision to reject an impeachment petition against Thaksin by a group of senators last week effectively denied the public their last legal recourse for bringing out the truth about the controversial deal. Taking to the streets may become the only option left for those who feel their grievances cannot be addressed through existing normal channels.

Judging from his remarks and posturing, Thaksin appears oblivious to the fact that those who are demanding his ouster are more than just a bunch of “hooligans” or “disgruntled and stupid people”, as he describes them. His critics now represent considerably large segments of society, whose numbers may not rival the 19 million votes he got in the last general election, but whose willingness to challenge his legitimacy is likely to hamper his leadership.

But with his absolute control of the legislative branch and the unwavering support of his Thai Rak Thai Party rank and file and various groups who have benefited from his populist polices and been charmed by his down-to-earth leadership, Thaksin seems confident that he can ride out this political storm.

Surely, it must be the arrogance of power that blinds Thaksin to the discontent that is spreading far and wide among all who are disillusioned with his authoritarian style. It also gives him a false sense of security, with the belief that his diversionary tactics will eventually beat back his opponents and ensure his political longevity.

The arrogance of power was clearly on display with Thaksin’s suggestion during a recent interview with international news agency Agence France-Presse that he would seek a third term if he could not find a suitable political heir.

Thaksin was sending an unmistakable message: He has no intention of relinquishing power – not now, not in the future. Even the mention of a “political heir” was nothing more than a subterfuge to prolong his tenure, because it’s not in Thaksin’s nature to foster a political rival.

The prime minister’s decision to call a special joint parliamentary session for early next month is most likely to be just a case of political expediency to relieve the mounting pressure he is facing. Thai Rak Thai’s absolute control of the House and Thaksin’s influence over most of the senators guarantee that the session will be just another exercise in futility.

His arrogance may help carry him through the day. But under the present political circumstances, it’s far too presumptuous for Thaksin to start talking about a third term, let alone about grooming a political heir.

Now that even his former political mentor, Maj-General Chamlong Srimuang, has turned against him, Thaksin’s immediate worry should involve trying to survive these next few months.

Thepchai Yong